Monday, June 8, 2026

Between Two Ferns, PhD

 

The Dialectics of Hostile Hospitality:
A Comparative Media Analysis of Jiminy Glick and Between Two Ferns

The contemporary faux-interview format occupies a peculiar and revealing niche within American comedic discourse. Neither fully parody nor fully journalism, the genre derives its power from the unstable relationship between interviewer and guest, authenticity and performance, aggression and conviviality. Two of the most influential exemplars of this form are Martin Short’s Jiminy Glick and Zach Galifianakis’s Between Two Ferns. Though often grouped together as adjacent species of anti-talk-show satire, the two projects embody profoundly different theories of embarrassment, celebrity, and conversational collapse.

At first glance, Jiminy Glick and Zach Galifianakis appear to employ identical tactics: inappropriate questions, grotesque non sequiturs, narcissistic interruptions, and a studied disregard for the comfort of celebrity guests. Yet beneath these surface similarities lie radically distinct comedic architectures. Jiminy Glick operates within the tradition of baroque excess, while Between Two Ferns belongs to the aesthetic of deadpan minimalism. One is centrifugal and overpopulated; the other is austere and claustrophobic.

Jiminy Glick, as performed by Martin Short, is fundamentally Dickensian. The character’s physicality—overfed, sweating, cosmetically unstable, emotionally needy—creates an atmosphere of theatrical abundance. Glick’s interviews are not merely awkward; they are overgrown. His language accumulates unnecessary details, accidental autobiographies, bizarre dietary references, and malformed compliments. He treats the interview not as an informational exchange but as a desperate attempt to re-center the universe around himself. In this sense, Glick resembles the comic grotesques of nineteenth-century literature more than a modern television host.

By contrast, Zach Galifianakis in Between Two Ferns weaponizes vacancy. The set itself is aggressively underdesigned: two plants, flat lighting, local-access aesthetics, and an atmosphere suggesting either public-access television or a hostage video. Where Glick overwhelms the guest with surplus personality, Galifianakis deprives the interaction of all normal social lubrication. Silence becomes structural. Questions are delivered not with manic enthusiasm but with administrative indifference, as though contempt itself has become bureaucratized.

One might say that Jiminy Glick performs incompetence, while Galifianakis performs disinterest. This distinction is crucial. Glick desperately wants to succeed as a host. His catastrophic behavior emerges from narcissistic excess and intellectual inadequacy. Galifianakis, however, appears fundamentally uninterested in the success of the interview as a social form. He treats celebrity conversation as intrinsically fraudulent and therefore worthy only of passive sabotage.

The guest experience also differs markedly between the two formats. Guests on Jiminy Glick often appear to be enduring an unstoppable comedic hurricane. Martin Short’s improvisational velocity creates a collaborative chaos in which the celebrity must either surrender or drown. The interviews frequently become demonstrations of endurance and timing.

In Between Two Ferns, however, the guest is trapped in a vacuum chamber. Galifianakis forces celebrities into a condition approximating existential exposure. The discomfort arises not from overwhelming stimulation but from the absence of conversational oxygen. The famous guest, deprived of conventional late-night rhythms—affirmation, applause, anecdotal flow—begins to appear strangely fragile. Celebrity itself becomes thin and provisional.

The two projects also emerge from different historical media anxieties. Jiminy Glick belongs to the late-1990s and early-2000s world of cable talk shows, entertainment journalism, and celebrity publicity circuits. The satire presumes a culture already saturated with overeager hosts and performative intimacy. Glick exaggerates the narcissism latent within entertainment television until it becomes monstrous.

Between Two Ferns, by contrast, emerges from the post-ironic internet era. Its rhythm is inseparable from digital culture, meme logic, and anti-production aesthetics. The show assumes audiences already distrust celebrity media training. Galifianakis therefore strips away nearly every convention of television charisma and replaces it with nihilistic inertia. The resulting interviews feel less like television than failed Zoom calls between hostile cousins.

An especially revealing contrast lies in the treatment of sincerity. Jiminy Glick occasionally permits accidental warmth. Despite the character’s grotesque self-absorption, Martin Short’s underlying exuberance leaks through the performance. One senses affection for performance itself. Glick is exhausting but not empty.

Galifianakis, meanwhile, cultivates emotional opacity as method. The comedy depends on uncertainty: is the hostility genuine? Is the incompetence deliberate? Does the interviewer dislike the guest, the format, or himself? This ambiguity produces a more contemporary form of comic anxiety, one aligned with postmodern detachment and internet-age irony fatigue.

Thematically, both formats function as critiques of celebrity culture, but they critique different aspects of it. Jiminy Glick attacks celebrity journalism’s artificial enthusiasm and self-importance. Between Two Ferns attacks the entire machinery of promotional performance. In Glick, the interviewer is the problem. In Galifianakis, the interview itself may be irredeemable.

Perhaps the clearest summary is this: Jiminy Glick imagines a world in which the host has far too much personality, while Between Two Ferns imagines a world in which personality itself has collapsed into awkward silence. One is comic maximalism; the other is comic entropy.

Both remain enduringly influential because each exposes, in radically different ways, the profound instability of mediated conversation. Beneath every celebrity interview lies a barely concealed absurdity: two strangers pretending intimacy for commercial purposes. Jiminy Glick attacks this absurdity by talking too much. Zach Galifianakis attacks it by barely participating at all.

Dept of Education Final Loans Rule, and NP's, PA's. Next steps.

  • ED’s final loan rule narrows “professional degree” status, leaving many NP and PA students at lower graduate borrowing limits after Grad PLUS is eliminated. 
  • The best argument against ED is statutory: Congress incorporated the older, broader professional-degree definition, which arguably already covered licensure-linked PA/NP programs. 
  • ED’s defense is that “professional” must remain a narrow category like MD/JD/DDS, not all graduate clinical credentials. 
  • The PA lawsuit has a serious but uncertain APA claim. 
  • Congress could fix the issue cleanly by expressly including accredited NP/APRN and PA programs as professional degrees for loan-limit purposes, ideally through a narrow health-workforce amendment. 



Bottom line

As public policy, your instinct is strong: NPs and PAs are exactly the kind of high-social-value workforce Congress should want to expand, especially in primary care, rural care, behavioral health-adjacent care, and underserved settings. But the litigation is not mainly about whether that is good policy. It is about whether the Department of Education had statutory room to narrow “professional degree” so sharply after Congress cross-referenced the pre-existing 34 CFR § 668.2 definition.

My read: the challengers have a real, non-frivolous APA/statutory argument, especially on the claim that the Department converted an “include but are not limited to” professional-degree definition into a constrained doctoral/CIP-code/supervision framework. But success is not assured, because the Department wrote the rule with a litigation defense in mind: it argues that the old list was not meaningless, that “professional” must be narrower than “graduate,” and that Congress intended higher caps only for a bounded class of traditional professional degrees.

What changed

The 2025 statute eliminated uncapped Grad PLUS borrowing and created different caps: ordinary graduate students are left at the lower graduate limit, while “professional students” receive the higher loan limits. The final rule implements that structure and makes the professional-student definition pivotal. The Department says the rule will reduce federal loan exposure and may reduce tuition pressure, while still simplifying repayment and preserving access within capped limits.

The practical problem is obvious: NP, PA, nursing, counseling, therapy, and similar clinical programs are expensive, full-time, licensure-linked, and workforce-critical, but many are not treated like JD/MD/DDS/PharmD-style “professional degrees” under the rule.

Arguments for treating NPs and PAs like JD/MD-level professional degrees

The strongest arguments were these:

First, the [new] statutory text incorporated the existing regulatory definition, and that older definition was broad. It described a professional degree as one that completes the academic requirements for beginning practice in a profession, requires professional skill beyond a bachelor’s degree, and generally requires licensure. It then listed examples such as medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, veterinary medicine, law, theology, optometry, podiatry, and chiropractic, but the list was expressly illustrative rather than exhaustive. The PA complaint emphasizes that Congress cross-referenced that existing definition “as in effect” on enactment, not a new narrower one later created by the Department.

Second, PAs and NPs are not merely academic graduate students in the ordinary sense. Their programs are structured, accredited, clinically sequenced, licensure-linked, and designed to produce practitioners who can begin regulated clinical practice. The Department itself summarized commenters’ PA argument as: PA education is a graduate-entry, licensure-leading pathway with didactic and clinical education, supervised rotations, national credentialing, and state licensure through an accredited program and the PANCE.

Third, supervision is a weak dividing line. Commenters argued that many included professions also have supervised or collaborative practice phases: physicians train in residencies, pharmacists may practice within defined protocols, psychologists often have supervised post-degree hours, and scope-of-practice rules vary by state. For PAs and NPs, “collaboration” or “supervision” does not mean the education is non-professional; it is often just the regulatory structure of the profession.

Fourth, the workforce argument is powerful. The complaint says 76% of PA student borrowers used Grad PLUS in academic year 2023–24, and PA tuition alone can exceed the new graduate cap before living expenses are considered. It argues that losing access to higher federal limits will push students to private loans or deter them entirely, injuring students, PA programs, and the healthcare system. Similar concerns are reflected in broader challenges by states and healthcare groups, which argue that excluding nursing, PA, physical therapy, and similar fields will worsen provider shortages. (Reuters)

Arguments against treating NPs and PAs like JD/MD-level professional degrees

The Department’s case is not absurd; it has a coherent internal logic.

Its core point is that Congress created two categories—graduate and professional—and the professional category must be narrower. If every graduate licensure program were treated as “professional,” the professional cap would swallow much of the graduate category. The Department therefore leaned on statutory-construction tools: the old list of examples must have legal meaning, and the examples cluster around traditional, often doctoral-level, independently licensed professions.

Second, the Department argues that a master’s-level entry credential, national exam, or licensure structure is not enough. Otherwise, many programs—nursing, counseling, social work, education, architecture, therapy fields—could all claim the higher cap. The Department wanted a bounded, administrable rule rather than a broad contemporary licensure-based rule.

Third, for nursing and PAs specifically, the Department put weight on professional supervision or non-independent practice. For nursing, it said graduate nursing programs may meet parts of the operative test but do not satisfy the “contextual requirements” drawn from the listed professional degrees; for PAs, it said collaboration/supervision and scope-of-practice variation help explain why PA pathways do not fit the incorporated professional-degree framework.

Fourth, fiscally, the Department’s policy objective is to curb excessive federal graduate lending and restrain tuition inflation. It says the final rule provides benefits including simplified repayment, lower taxpayer costs, and potentially lower tuition costs.

The lawsuit

The PA Education Association and American Academy of Physician Associates filed suit in D.C. federal court, captioned PA Education Association and American Academy of Physician Associates v. U.S. Department of Education and Secretary Linda McMahon, case no. 1:26-cv-01941, challenging the final rule under the APA. The complaint asks the court to declare the professional-degree definition unlawful, vacate it, and declare PA degrees eligible for the higher professional-student loan limits. AAPA has also publicly described the suit as a challenge to the rule that would cap PA student borrowing at $20,500 annually rather than allowing access to the higher professional-student limit. (AAPA)

There is also a broader state-led challenge. Reuters reports that Democratic-led states and D.C., along with the governors of Kentucky and Pennsylvania, challenged the loan-cap rule in Maryland, arguing that the Department unlawfully narrowed Congress’s professional-degree definition and excluded fields such as nursing, PAs, and physical therapy. (Reuters)

Which argument came closest to winning in rulemaking?

The argument that came closest was not simply “we need more NPs and PAs.” That was morally and politically strong, but agencies can answer workforce arguments by saying, “Congress capped loans; take it up with Congress.”

The strongest rulemaking argument was the textual/incorporation argument:

Congress incorporated the existing § 668.2 professional-degree definition. That definition was broad, functional, and non-exhaustive. The Department cannot use rulemaking to add doctoral-level, six-year, CIP-code, and independent-practice requirements that Congress did not include.

That is the argument with the most legal bite. The Department took it seriously enough to spend substantial space defending its statutory-construction theory: noscitur a sociis, anti-surplusage, the need to distinguish “graduate” from “professional,” and the claim that the enumerated examples must constrain the definition.

The second-best argument was inconsistency/arbitrariness: included professions also involve supervised training, state-by-state variation, or staged independence, so using supervision to exclude PAs/NPs may be arbitrary or selectively applied. The complaint directly attacks the Department for relying on a supervision-related requirement that plaintiffs say is neither in the statute nor even cleanly in the final regulatory test.

Likelihood of success

My estimate: moderate chance of success on at least partial relief; lower chance of getting everything plaintiffs want.

Why plaintiffs may win: after Loper Bright, courts are less likely to defer automatically to an agency’s interpretation of ambiguous statutory text. If the judge sees the statute as freezing the old § 668.2 definition “as in effect” on July 4, 2025, the Department’s new doctoral/CIP-code/supervision gloss may look like an unauthorized narrowing. The complaint’s best fact is that the old definition said examples “include but are not limited to,” and the new rule functionally turns the list into a closed or nearly closed set.

Why the Department may survive: the Department can argue that the old definition was never self-executing for every modern licensure program, that Congress created a special higher-cost category, and that the agency had to operationalize the graduate/professional distinction. Its statutory-construction argument is lawyerly and not frivolous: the examples must mean something, and the agency says it identified their shared traits rather than adding a wholly new test.

Most likely judicial outcomes, in my view:

  1. Best for plaintiffs: court vacates the professional-degree definition or its application to PAs, forcing ED to reopen or treat PAs as professional students.

  2. Middle outcome: court finds some reasoning arbitrary—especially supervision/CIP-code rigidity—but remands without ordering immediate inclusion.

  3. Best for ED: court upholds the rule as a reasonable implementation of a statute that deliberately limits higher caps.

For PAs, the lawsuit looks stronger than a generic policy challenge because the complaint is tightly framed around statutory incorporation and the old definition. For NPs, the policy case may be equally strong or stronger, but legally it may be more complex because nursing pathways vary more—MSN, DNP, DNAP, NP specialties, CRNA, midwifery—and ED can exploit that variation. Still, the Department’s own concession that some nursing programs may satisfy the three-part operative test gives NP/nursing challengers a useful foothold.

My practical prediction: this is not a sure loser for the plaintiffs; it is a serious APA case. I would put the chance of some meaningful relief in the 35–50% range, and the chance of a clean court order saying “PAs are professional students, full stop” somewhat lower. The litigation risk for ED is real because the agency’s policy instincts—narrow the category, save money, reduce lending—may have outrun the statutory cross-reference Congress actually wrote.


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Congressional Fix?

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A Congressional fix is actually much cleaner than the lawsuit. 

The lawsuit says: “ED misread what Congress already enacted.” A Congressional fix would say: “Whatever ED thinks, Congress now expressly includes these programs.”

The cleanest fix

Congress would amend the Higher Education Act loan-limit provision to say that, for purposes of the higher professional student Direct Unsubsidized Loan limits, “professional degree” includes specified NP/PA programs.

Something like:

For purposes of section 455(a)(4)(C), the term “professional student” includes a student enrolled in a post-baccalaureate degree program accredited by a recognized accrediting agency that prepares the student for initial or advanced licensure, certification, or practice as a nurse practitioner, nurse anesthetist, nurse midwife, clinical nurse specialist, or physician assistant/associate.

That kind of language would directly override ED’s current exclusion. ED’s final rule excluded nursing partly because it read the old professional-degree list through contextual limitations and supervision/independent-practice concepts, and it excluded PA programs partly because PAs often practice under collaboration or supervision rules. A statutory fix should therefore avoid letting ED re-litigate independence, doctoral status, CIP-code grouping, or whether the profession resembles MD/JD/DDS enough.

Narrow NP/PA-only version

The narrowest version would add only PA and advanced practice nursing programs:

Professional degree. — For purposes of this paragraph, the term “professional degree” includes a post-baccalaureate degree awarded by an accredited program that prepares a student for licensure, certification, or authorization to practice as a physician assistant/associate or advanced practice registered nurse, including nurse practitioner, certified registered nurse anesthetist, certified nurse-midwife, or clinical nurse specialist.

This would be the best version politically if the goal is maximum chance of passage. It lets Congress say: “We are not reopening Grad PLUS, not restoring unlimited borrowing, not adding every master’s program. We are fixing a targeted health workforce problem.”

There is already a nursing version of this strategy. AACN says the Nursing is a Professional Degree Act, identified as S.4568/H.R.8691, would include nursing programs in the statutory definition of professional degrees so post-baccalaureate nursing students can access the higher loan limits. (VoterVoice) Business Insider reports that Senators Jeff Merkley and Roger Wicker led a bipartisan bill to include nursing degrees in ED’s professional-degree designation, with a similar House bill. (Business Insider)

Better combined fix: “Health Workforce Professional Degree Act”

For NP/PA together, I would not make it a nursing-only bill. I would draft it as a health workforce correction:

Health workforce professional degree inclusion. — Notwithstanding any regulation or interpretation of the Secretary, a student enrolled in an accredited post-baccalaureate program leading to eligibility for licensure, certification, or state authorization as an advanced practice registered nurse or physician assistant/associate shall be treated as a professional student for purposes of Federal Direct Unsubsidized Loan annual and aggregate limits.

The phrase “notwithstanding any regulation or interpretation of the Secretary” matters. It prevents ED from saying, “Yes, Congress added them, but we still apply our doctoral-level, six-year, CIP-code, or independence criteria.”

The PA lawsuit complains that ED added requirements not in the statute: generally doctoral level, six academic years, and a four-digit CIP-code relationship to the listed fields; it also attacks ED’s use of supervision/collaboration as a reason to exclude PAs. A statutory fix should expressly close each of those escape hatches.

Broader version: functional professional-degree test

A broader and more elegant fix would define professional degree functionally:

A professional degree includes any post-baccalaureate degree program that:

  1. is accredited by a federally recognized or nationally recognized specialized accreditor;

  2. prepares students for entry into a licensed, certified, or state-regulated profession;

  3. requires supervised clinical, field, or professional practice education; and

  4. leads to eligibility for a national certification, board examination, state licensure, or comparable professional authorization.

This would help PAs, NPs, nurse anesthetists, nurse midwives, clinical psychology, physical therapy, occupational therapy, speech-language pathology, audiology, counseling, social work, public health professions, and perhaps others.

But this broader approach is politically riskier. It would reopen the whole “what counts as professional?” battle. ED’s whole policy premise is that Congress intended higher limits for a “narrow group of programs,” not a large universe of graduate licensure programs. If the fix becomes too broad, deficit hawks and education-cost hawks will say it recreates Grad PLUS by another route.

The best legislative design

The best practical bill would have four parts.

First, it should name the covered professions: PA, NP, CRNA, nurse midwife, clinical nurse specialist. Names beat standards. Standards invite ED interpretation.

Second, it should cover both master’s and doctoral pathways. ED’s final rule disadvantaged PA programs because the PA entry degree is generally master’s-level, not doctoral. For nursing, the fix must cover MSN, DNP, DNAP, and relevant post-baccalaureate pathways, or it will create weird winners and losers.

Third, it should be loan-limit-specific. Congress does not need to declare for all federal law that PAs and NPs are equivalent to MDs or JDs. It only needs to say they count as professional students for Direct Loan annual and aggregate limits. That makes the bill less threatening.

Fourth, it should include a workforce finding, not because findings control everything, but because they help defend the policy:

Congress finds that advanced practice nurses and physician assistants/associates are essential to maintaining access to primary care, specialty care, surgical care, rural care, and care in medically underserved communities, and that federal student loan policy should not deter qualified students from entering these professions.

Political odds

A narrow NP/PA fix has a plausible path because it can be framed as pro-healthcare workforce, pro-rural access, pro-veterans/military medicine, pro-hospital staffing, and not a general student-loan expansion. The fact that the nursing fix already has bipartisan sponsorship is important. (Business Insider) Earlier bipartisan concern was also substantial: Senator Merkley’s office reported that more than 150 lawmakers urged ED not to make changes that would burden post-baccalaureate nursing degrees. (Merkley)

The PA-specific case should be paired with nursing, not treated as an orphan. The PA complaint says 76% of PA student borrowers used Grad PLUS in 2023–24, and PA tuition can exceed $68,000 in-state, $108,000 out-of-state, and $113,000 at private institutions before living expenses. That is the kind of concrete evidence members of Congress can understand.

My read

The most viable fix is not “restore Grad PLUS” and not “make all allied health professional.” The winning formulation is:

Treat accredited PA and advanced practice nursing programs as professional-degree programs for federal loan-limit purposes, while leaving the general graduate-loan cap structure intact.

That gives Republicans a cost-control story, Democrats an access/equity story, rural members a workforce story, hospitals and universities a pipeline story, and the professions a clean statutory override of ED’s rule.

AI DIALOGS CMMI ACCESS (Book Chapter v4)

 


Source basis includes the CMS ACCESS materials, Shiff/Sutton JAMA Perspective, Liao Health Affairs critique, Brooks et al. OCM evaluation, the accepted-applicant list, and the prior AI long-form analysis.


ACCESS, Chronic Care, and the CMMI Savings Paradox

When Better Care for Under-Managed Patients May Cost More

CMS’s ACCESS model is one of the most intellectually coherent CMMI models in recent years. It is also one of the most revealing. On its surface, ACCESS is a voluntary Medicare demonstration for technology-supported chronic care. It creates new payments for organizations that manage common chronic conditions such as hypertension, dyslipidemia, obesity, prediabetes, diabetes, chronic kidney disease, atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease, chronic musculoskeletal pain, depression, and anxiety.

That description is accurate, but too small. ACCESS is better understood as an attempt to build a new Medicare payment architecture for modern chronic care. It asks whether Medicare can pay for longitudinal, digital, remote, asynchronous, hybrid, and AI-enabled care without simply creating another fee-for-service volume engine.

That is the real policy problem. Chronic disease care increasingly involves software, devices, messaging, remote monitoring, patient coaching, medication management, behavioral support, and algorithmically assisted triage. These activities do not map neatly to traditional office visits. But if CMS responds by creating a separate code for every digital touch, remote transmission, coaching minute, app interaction, algorithmic review, or care-management task, it recreates the old problem in new clothing. The system will optimize for billable activity.

ACCESS tries to move the unit of payment away from activity and toward outcomes.

That is the model’s conceptual leap. CMS is not primarily paying for a visit, a device, a software license, a care-management minute, or a remote data stream. It is paying for measurable improvement or control in a defined chronic disease domain. The model’s central instrument is the Outcome-Aligned Payment: a recurring payment to a Medicare-enrolled care organization, with full payment tied to clinical results.

This is why ACCESS matters even if it remains modest in size. If it succeeds, it could become a template for how Medicare pays for digital chronic care, AI-enabled diagnostics, connected devices, hybrid virtual care, and chronic disease management outside the physician office. It could also become a reference architecture for Medicare Advantage, Medicaid managed care, commercial payers, and ACO-adjacent contracting.

But ACCESS also exposes a deeper problem in CMMI’s statutory design. CMMI models are expected to reduce Medicare spending without reducing quality, or improve quality without increasing spending. That sounds reasonable in the abstract. Yet in under-managed chronic disease, better care often means more care. More medication adherence. More appropriate drugs. More physical therapy. More behavioral health care. More labs. More monitoring. More specialist input. More follow-up. More patient support.

A poorly managed patient can look cheap only because the system has been failing quietly. If ACCESS finds the failure and fixes it, spending may rise.

That is not a technical flaw at the edge of the model. It is the core paradox.

The Problem ACCESS Is Trying to Solve

Original Medicare has never had a clean payment pathway for much of modern chronic care. Fee-for-service Medicare pays for defined services: visits, procedures, tests, drugs, devices, and time-based care-management activities. That works reasonably well when the clinical service is discrete and easily coded. It works poorly when the relevant care is continuous, distributed, digital, behavioral, remote, or team-based.

Chronic disease is not organized around fifteen-minute increments. A patient with hypertension, diabetes, CKD, chronic pain, or depression does not need only episodic appointments. The patient needs ongoing engagement, monitoring, medication adjustment, adherence support, coaching, escalation, de-escalation, and coordination across clinicians. Much of that work happens between visits. Much of it may be performed by nurses, pharmacists, behavioral health clinicians, coaches, care navigators, software, devices, and algorithms. The physician office visit remains important, but it is no longer the natural unit of care.

CMS has tried to patch this mismatch with codes for chronic care management, remote physiologic monitoring, remote therapeutic monitoring, telehealth, and related services. These codes are useful, but they also reveal the problem. Once CMS defines and prices an activity, the system learns to produce the activity. Time thresholds, documentation rules, device transmissions, monthly billing periods, and staff minutes become the commercial object. A model designed to support better care can become a model for generating more billable units.

The Shiff/Sutton JAMA Perspective makes this point unusually clearly. Technology in health care is often directed toward documentation, billing optimization, and shifting clinician time into reimbursable categories. That is not because technology is inherently low value. It is because the payment system rewards monetizable activity. In a fee-for-service environment, technology that helps generate billable services may be adopted faster than technology that quietly prevents worsening blood pressure, improves depression, reduces pain interference, or slows progression from prediabetes to diabetes.

ACCESS tries to change the target of innovation. Under ACCESS, the organization is not paid because it produced more app clicks, more remote readings, more messages, more minutes, or more visits. It is paid because patients improved or reached control on defined measures.

That is the cleanest version of the ACCESS idea: pay for outcome production, not activity production.

The Basic Design

ACCESS is a ten-year CMMI model in Original Medicare beginning in July 2026. It starts with four broad clinical tracks.

The early cardio-kidney-metabolic track includes hypertension, dyslipidemia, obesity or overweight with central obesity, and prediabetes. The cardio-kidney-metabolic track includes diabetes, stage 3a or 3b chronic kidney disease, and atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease. The musculoskeletal track focuses on chronic musculoskeletal pain. The behavioral health track focuses on depression and anxiety.

The breadth of these tracks is important. CMS is not paying for a single app, a single device, or a single digital therapeutic. It is paying organizations to manage clusters of related conditions that share intervention types and outcome measures. A narrow technology-specific payment would reproduce the “one technology, one code” problem. A track-based payment pushes organizations to build care systems.

Participating organizations must enroll in Medicare Part B as providers or suppliers, except for excluded supplier types such as DMEPOS and laboratory suppliers. They must designate a physician clinical director or medical director. They must comply with state licensure, HIPAA, and applicable FDA requirements, or operate within FDA enforcement discretion. Care may be delivered in person, virtually, asynchronously, or through technology-enabled means. ACCESS contemplates clinician consultations, lifestyle support, behavioral support, therapy and counseling, patient education, care coordination, medication management, diagnostic ordering and interpretation, and use or monitoring of FDA-authorized or enforcement-discretion devices and software.

Patients enroll voluntarily, either directly or through referral. Medicare Advantage patients are not included, although MA plans may create similar arrangements. Some beneficiaries attempting to enroll may be randomized into a control group, which is essential for model evaluation. That randomized design matters because ACCESS is not only a payment pathway; it is an experiment. CMS must eventually show whether the model improves quality and what it does to Medicare spending.

ACCESS is also designed to complement traditional care rather than replace it. Patients retain their ordinary Medicare rights and may continue to see any Medicare provider. ACCESS organizations must share care plans and updates with primary care and referring clinicians. Those clinicians may bill a separate co-management payment for documented review and coordination work.

This creates a new kind of Medicare participant: not simply a vendor, not quite an ACO, not a health plan, and not merely a physician practice. The ACCESS organization is a Medicare-enrolled, clinically accountable, technology-supported chronic care entity paid through condition-track outcomes.

Outcome-Aligned Payments: The Core Innovation

The central payment mechanism is the Outcome-Aligned Payment. Participating organizations receive recurring payments for managing a qualifying condition track. Full payment depends on achieving measurable clinical improvement or control relative to the patient’s baseline.

This baseline-relative design is one of the model’s most important features. A model that pays only for absolute control risks rewarding organizations for enrolling easy patients. A model that ignores baseline risks punishing organizations that accept more difficult patients. ACCESS tries to thread the needle. Patients must have at least one uncontrolled measure to qualify for full initial payment, and organizations are paid for meaningful improvement or guideline-informed control.

The model also uses a population or portfolio logic. CMS determines payment based on the share of an organization’s patients who meet outcome targets. An organization can perform well overall even if some individual patients do not improve. That is clinically realistic. Chronic care is noisy. Patients may not respond, may disengage, may have side effects, may face food insecurity or transportation barriers, or may deteriorate for reasons outside the organization’s control. A model demanding success for every patient would be unworkable. A model paying for aggregate performance is more plausible.

This is not full capitation. It is not total-cost-of-care risk. It is condition-track, outcome-contingent payment. CMS is trying to capture some advantages of value-based care without requiring every digital health or chronic care company to become an insurer or ACO.

That makes ACCESS a possible middle layer between fee-for-service and full population risk. Many organizations are not prepared to accept total-cost-of-care risk, but may be prepared to accept outcome risk for a defined domain such as cardiometabolic disease, MSK pain, or behavioral health.

The Financial Architecture: Who Gets Paid, How Much, and for What

The financial architecture of ACCESS deserves explicit attention because it is the hinge between the model’s elegant theory and its practical incentives.

There are three distinct financial layers: payments to ACCESS organizations, payments to traditional clinicians, and spending outside the ACCESS payment.

The first layer is the payment to the ACCESS organization itself. These are the technology-supported chronic care organizations that enroll patients, manage a clinical track, collect baseline and follow-up measures, report data to CMS, and attempt to meet the outcome targets. They may be digital-first companies, hybrid care organizations, medical groups, behavioral health platforms, MSK companies, cardiometabolic care firms, or provider-affiliated entities. But under ACCESS they are not merely vendors. They must become Medicare Part B-enrolled providers or suppliers, accept Medicare compliance obligations, designate physician oversight, and bill ACCESS-specific G-codes.

The ACCESS organization receives an Outcome-Aligned Payment for managing the patient’s qualifying track. The payments are relatively modest annual amounts, paid monthly, and are intended to reflect the lower marginal cost of scalable technology-supported care. For the early cardio-kidney-metabolic track, the initial-year allowed amount is approximately $360 per beneficiary, with a lower continuation-year amount of approximately $180. For the cardio-kidney-metabolic track, the initial-year amount is approximately $420, with a continuation amount of approximately $210. For musculoskeletal care, the initial-year amount is approximately $180, with no continuation period. For behavioral health, the initial-year amount is approximately $180, with a continuation amount of approximately $90.

These are annual allowed amounts, not large capitated payments. They are divided into monthly payments. The beneficiary cost-sharing issue is handled flexibly: ACCESS organizations may elect to waive cost-sharing uniformly using the CMS-sponsored model safe harbor, or they may collect it with required disclosure. CMS’s decision to allow waiver of cost-sharing matters because many digital chronic care organizations will view even a small beneficiary bill as an enrollment barrier.

The second layer is payment to the patient’s ordinary clinicians. ACCESS is supposed to complement traditional care, not replace the patient’s primary care physician, cardiologist, nephrologist, psychiatrist, therapist, orthopedist, or other clinician. To support that integration, CMS created a separate co-management payment for primary care or referring clinicians who review ACCESS updates and document associated coordination activities. This payment is small, roughly in the range of $30 per service, with a small initial setup modifier and limits on frequency. The total amount is therefore not transformative for primary care economics. But it is important as a policy signal: CMS recognizes that traditional clinician review, medication-list reconciliation, problem-list updating, and response to ACCESS care plans are real work.

The third layer is spending outside the ACCESS payment. This is where the model becomes both clinically realistic and financially vulnerable. The ACCESS payment does not include many of the expensive things that better chronic care may require. Drugs, laboratory tests, imaging, durable medical equipment, specialist visits, physical therapy, behavioral health services outside the ACCESS entity, hospitalizations, and other ordinary Medicare services may still be billed by unaffiliated providers under standard Medicare rules. Beneficiaries retain freedom of choice and may continue seeing any Medicare provider.

This distinction is essential. ACCESS pays the chronic care organization to manage and improve outcomes, but it does not make that organization responsible for total cost of care. The ACCESS participant is blocked from stacking ordinary fee-for-service claims for the same aligned beneficiary, but unaffiliated providers can still bill Medicare. That means ACCESS has a partial-risk structure: the organization is financially accountable for delivering its own track management efficiently and meeting outcome targets, but it is not globally accountable for all downstream spending its work may trigger.

CMS is aware of this problem and includes a substitute-spend adjustment for certain duplicative services. For example, if an ACCESS musculoskeletal organization is managing chronic pain and the patient receives certain overlapping outside services, CMS may reduce the ACCESS payment. But this mechanism is necessarily narrow. The clinical boundary between duplicative and appropriate outside care is often ambiguous. A PT evaluation, imaging study, nephrology visit, medication change, behavioral health referral, or specialist consultation may be unnecessary in one patient and essential in another.

This is where the financial design creates the model’s central paradox. The ACCESS organization is paid a modest fixed amount to improve outcomes. But the best way to improve outcomes may be to uncover unmet needs that generate substantial outside spending. The organization may discover that the patient is not taking an expensive but indicated medication, needs physical therapy, needs behavioral health treatment, needs labs, needs home monitoring, needs specialist care, or needs a more intensive clinical workup. Ethically, the right answer may be to activate that care. Financially, that activation may undermine the model’s savings story.

ACCESS therefore has to succeed on two financial fronts at once. The direct payments to ACCESS organizations must be low enough and outcome-contingent enough to avoid becoming a new digital health annuity. At the same time, the model must not discourage the organization from triggering appropriate outside care when that care is clinically necessary. That balance is difficult. If CMS focuses too much on savings, ACCESS may reward low-cost metric management and under-escalation. If CMS focuses too little on total spending, ACCESS may become a platform for identifying patients and increasing outside utilization without producing offsetting value.

The payment design is elegant, but it is not magic. ACCESS pays for outcome production, not total-cost accountability. That may be the right middle ground for technology-enabled chronic care, but it means the model’s financial evaluation must distinguish three very different phenomena: waste reduction, cost shifting, and appropriate care activation. Only the first is true savings. The second is a model failure. The third may be good medicine, even if it costs Medicare more.

Why ACCESS Is Different from Prior Digital Health Payment

ACCESS differs from prior Medicare approaches in several ways.

First, it is not built around CPT code proliferation. CMS is not creating a code for every digital care activity. That matters because activity codes often generate activity inflation.

Second, it is not a device add-on payment. The model does not pay because a device is novel, expensive, connected, or FDA-cleared. Devices and software are tools inside the care model, not the unit of payment.

Third, it is not simply telehealth expansion. ACCESS is broader than live virtual visits. It can include asynchronous care, remote monitoring, coaching, therapy, education, diagnostic interpretation, medication management, and technology-supported longitudinal care.

Fourth, it is not dependent on bespoke ACO-vendor contracting. Risk-bearing entities often struggle to contract with technology-enabled chronic care organizations because savings are condition-specific, attribution is difficult, and transaction costs are high. ACCESS creates a standardized claims-based Medicare pathway that can be used alongside ACO arrangements without requiring every ACO to negotiate every parameter of every vendor relationship.

That last point is especially important. ACCESS could become a payment rail. An ACO may refer patients to an ACCESS organization without negotiating a custom cardiometabolic or MSK savings contract. CMS can incorporate ACCESS expenditures into ACO reconciliation, while the ACCESS participant bills Medicare directly under the model. If this works, it creates a standardized interface between chronic care vendors and the Medicare payment system.

The Fee-for-Service Exclusion: The Guardrail That Makes the Model Real

ACCESS is explicitly an alternative to fee-for-service billing by the ACCESS participant for a given beneficiary during the care period. It is not an add-on. The participant and its affiliates generally may not bill ordinary Medicare FFS claims for other services furnished to that beneficiary during the ACCESS care period. They may bill only ACCESS-specific codes.

This is one of the most important provisions in the model. Without it, ACCESS could become simply another layer of payment on top of traditional billing. An organization could collect outcome-aligned payments while also billing remote monitoring, telehealth, chronic care management, evaluation and management, or other claims for the same beneficiary. CMS appears to understand that such stacking would undermine the model immediately.

The exclusion is beneficiary-specific and participant-specific. An organization may treat one patient under ACCESS and another under ordinary FFS. But it cannot treat the same patient under ACCESS while also billing ordinary Medicare FFS for other services to that same patient during the care period.

Beneficiary choice is preserved. Patients may still see other Medicare providers, and those other providers may bill Medicare normally. That is necessary, but it creates a hard boundary problem. When is outside care complementary, and when is it duplicative? If an ACCESS MSK organization is managing chronic pain, is outside PT duplicative or necessary? If a cardiometabolic ACCESS organization is managing diabetes and CKD, is a nephrology visit duplicative or appropriate? If an ACCESS behavioral health organization is managing depression, is outside psychotherapy duplicative or essential?

CMS tries to address this through substitute-spend adjustments for certain overlapping services. But this will be hard to operationalize. Chronic disease patients often need multiple forms of care. The same outside service may be wasteful in one patient and ethically necessary in another.

This becomes central to the model’s moral and economic challenge.

The Co-Management Payment: Small Dollars, Large Signal

ACCESS includes a modest co-management payment for primary care and referring clinicians who review ACCESS updates and document coordination activities. The dollars are small, but the policy signal is meaningful. CMS recognizes that the traditional clinician’s attention is part of the infrastructure needed for technology-supported chronic care.

Digital health companies often fail because they sit outside the patient’s real care team. They may generate recommendations, dashboards, messages, remote monitoring data, care plans, or risk alerts, but the primary care physician may not know what is happening, may not trust the vendor, may not have time to review the material, or may not be paid to act on it. ACCESS tries to build a bridge. The ACCESS organization must share updates, and the traditional clinician may bill for reviewing and coordinating.

This will not transform primary care economics. But it is a practical design feature. It acknowledges that chronic care cannot be split cleanly between a digital vendor and a physician office. If ACCESS works, it will be because external technology-supported organizations become integrated extensions of traditional care, not parallel systems competing for the patient’s attention.

ACCESS and FDA: A Payment Model as Regulatory Sandbox

ACCESS also has an unusually important FDA dimension. Participants must comply with applicable FDA requirements or operate within enforcement discretion. CMS has also connected ACCESS to FDA’s TEMPO pilot, which may allow certain technology-enabled products to operate under enforcement discretion while real-world performance data are collected in the model context.

This is potentially a major bridge between payment policy and product regulation. Payment, clinical use, real-world evidence, and FDA oversight are usually separate. ACCESS may bring them together. A digital tool, connected device, or AI diagnostic may not need its own Medicare payment code if it becomes part of an outcome-producing care system.

This is especially important for early detection and AI diagnostics. Detection alone often has a business model problem. Finding prediabetes, early CKD, uncontrolled hypertension, depression, or cardiometabolic risk is not enough unless there is a reimbursable pathway for acting on the finding. ACCESS creates that downstream pathway. The diagnostic or device is not the revenue center; the outcome-producing care model is.

That could reshape digital health strategy. The question becomes less, “What code pays for our product?” and more, “What measurable outcome can our product help a Medicare-enrolled care organization achieve?”

The Applicant List: Market Validation, Not Proof

The ACCESS accepted-applicant list provides early market validation. CMS attracted more than a symbolic pilot cohort. The list includes digital-first chronic care companies, behavioral health platforms, cardiometabolic firms, MSK organizations, nutrition and weight-management brands, remote-monitoring companies, virtual care groups, nephrology practices, community organizations, provider-affiliated entities, and multi-track platforms.

This does not prove the model will work. CMS cautions that inclusion is not endorsement and does not guarantee final participation. Medicare enrollment, participation agreements, and final approval remain necessary. But the list shows that ACCESS has created a commercially legible pathway.

The strongest signal is that many accepted organizations have not previously served Medicare beneficiaries. ACCESS is not simply giving existing Medicare providers another billing mechanism. It is inviting nontraditional chronic care organizations into Original Medicare, but under Medicare enrollment, physician oversight, privacy, licensure, reporting, and quality obligations.

The applicant mix also reveals where the market sees opportunity. Cardiometabolic care appears especially attractive. That makes sense. Hypertension, dyslipidemia, obesity, prediabetes, diabetes, CKD, and ASCVD are huge Medicare problems; they have measurable biomarkers; and they map naturally to remote monitoring, medication management, nutrition support, adherence tools, and coaching.

Behavioral health is also heavily represented. Depression and anxiety have validated measures, large access gaps, and a strong virtual-care precedent. But they may be harder to risk-adjust and harder to manage consistently. PHQ-9 and GAD-7 are useful, but mood and anxiety outcomes are affected by pain, loneliness, sleep, cognition, substance use, social stress, and comorbid disease.

MSK is present but may have a more complicated savings story. Chronic pain is common and costly, and a technology-supported MSK program may substitute for some imaging, orthopedic visits, procedures, or prolonged therapy. But MSK care also overlaps with ordinary PT, pain management, imaging, orthopedics, surgery, and behavioral health. The line between substitution and necessary complementary care may be contentious.

The applicant list suggests that ACCESS is not a narrow chronic disease code. Many organizations appear to see it as a general payment chassis for longitudinal virtual or hybrid care.

Lessons from the Oncology Care Model

The Oncology Care Model provides a useful cautionary comparison. OCM was CMS’s first major oncology-focused alternative payment model. It ran from 2016 to 2022 and paid participating oncology practices monthly enhanced oncology services payments while allowing performance-based payments for reducing spending and meeting quality benchmarks.

A 2026 JAMA evaluation found that OCM was associated with modest gross reductions in Medicare spending during six-month cancer treatment episodes. The estimated reduction was about $616 per episode, or 2.1 percent of baseline spending. Savings grew over time and were larger in later performance periods. But after monthly enhanced oncology services payments and performance-based payments were included, the model produced an estimated net loss to Medicare of $639 million over six years. Most utilization and quality measures did not significantly change.

OCM is not ACCESS. Oncology episodes differ from chronic disease tracks. But OCM teaches several important lessons.

First, gross savings are not net savings. A model can reduce claims spending and still lose money once model payments are counted. ACCESS will face the same arithmetic. Its per-beneficiary payments are much lower than OCM’s $160 monthly enhanced oncology services payments, but the principle remains: the model payment itself must be earned back through real clinical value, reduced waste, or both.

Second, savings may take time. OCM’s reductions grew in later years. Chronic disease prevention may take even longer. Improvements in blood pressure, weight, lipids, pain, function, depression, or anxiety may not generate near-term reductions in admissions or ED visits.

Third, quality measurement may not capture everything that matters. OCM may have changed care delivery without producing broad measurable quality gains. ACCESS uses more direct clinical measures, which is an advantage, but it still faces the question of whether measured improvement translates into durable health benefit and lower spending.

Fourth, voluntary models attract selected participants. OCM practices were not random oncology practices, and ACCESS participants will not be random chronic care organizations. Early results may reflect who chose to enter as much as what the model achieved.

The larger lesson is sobering: a model can be clinically serious, operationally complex, and still fail the net-savings test.

Liao’s Critique: The Right Kind of Skepticism

Joshua Liao’s Health Affairs critique is useful because it avoids both hype and reflexive cynicism. He recognizes the real problem ACCESS is trying to solve: Medicare’s fee-for-service architecture is poorly suited to continuous chronic care. But he also emphasizes that payment models inevitably generate optimization behavior.

That is the mature way to assess ACCESS. The question is not whether distortions will occur. They will. Fee-for-service rewards volume. Capitation rewards restraint. Risk adjustment rewards diagnosis capture. Documentation-based quality measurement rewards documentation. Outcome-based models reward selection, measure optimization, and denominator management.

The question is whether ACCESS can generate enough clinical improvement to justify its distortions.

That is the right standard. No payment system is neutral. The fragmented status quo is also a policy choice. ACCESS should not be rejected merely because it will create strategic behavior. But it must be evaluated with a clear view of predictable failure modes.

Liao also points to a crucial distinction between scalable chronic care and intensive multimorbidity management. ACCESS may work best for a middle population: patients with measurable, improvable chronic conditions who can engage with technology-supported care and whose needs can be managed through standardized workflows. It may be less suitable for the sickest, least connected, most socially complex, or most multimorbid beneficiaries.

That distinction matters because the highest-need patients may be the least attractive under the model. The most economically attractive ACCESS patient is not necessarily the neediest patient. It may be the patient who is uncontrolled enough to qualify, reachable enough to engage, likely enough to improve, and unlikely to require expensive downstream care.

This is where the ACCESS optimism meets the ACCESS paradox.

The Savings Paradox: Under-Managed Patients May Need More Spending

ACCESS is expected to improve outcomes and reduce spending. The model’s savings theory has two parts.

First, better clinical control may reduce downstream costs. Better blood pressure, weight, HbA1c, lipids, pain, function, depression, and anxiety may eventually reduce acute utilization, complications, and high-cost care. This is the prevention theory.

Second, ACCESS may substitute for more expensive traditional care. A technology-supported MSK program may reduce some specialty visits, imaging, or procedures. A behavioral health platform may create lower-cost access where in-person care is scarce. A cardiometabolic program may prevent deterioration that would otherwise appear later in high-cost settings.

Both theories are plausible. But both collide with a competing reality: under-managed patients often have unmet needs that cost money to address.

A patient with uncontrolled diabetes may need medication intensification, nutrition counseling, renal testing, eye exams, foot care, CGM, or closer follow-up. A patient with CKD may need appropriate labs, SGLT2 therapy if indicated, nephrology input, and careful medication review. A patient with chronic pain may need PT, behavioral support, imaging, injections, surgery, or medication changes. A patient with depression may need therapy, medication management, safety assessment, and repeated follow-up. A patient with cardiovascular disease may need high-intensity lipid therapy, blood pressure medication changes, adherence support, and lab monitoring.

Some of this care may reduce future spending. Some may improve quality of life without saving money. Some may increase spending indefinitely because the patient is finally receiving appropriate care.

This is not failure. It is medicine.

Consider a simple adherence example. ACCESS may discover that a patient is not taking a clinically important $5,000 medication. Perhaps the patient cannot afford it, misunderstood the prescription, experienced side effects, or never completed a refill. The best intervention may be to restart and maintain therapy. But if adherence improves, Medicare spending rises. Pharmacy costs rise. Monitoring may rise. Follow-up may rise. The patient may be better treated, but the model may look worse financially.

That example reveals the tension. ACCESS organizations are paid to improve outcomes at fixed payment, and the model is expected to reduce overall Medicare costs. Yet the ethically correct response to under-treatment may be to activate expensive care.

This is the central paradox: ACCESS is designed to find and manage chronic disease, but properly managing chronic disease may increase Medicare spending.

Waste Reduction, Cost Shifting, and Need Activation

The word “savings” is too blunt for chronic care. Good chronic disease management does three different financial things, and CMS must distinguish them.

First, it reduces waste. It may prevent avoidable admissions, reduce duplicative imaging, avoid low-value procedures, replace unnecessary visits with lower-cost support, deprescribe harmful drugs, and prevent acute deterioration. This is real savings.

Second, it may shift costs. An ACCESS organization might improve its own economics while pushing services to unaffiliated providers who bill Medicare separately. The ACCESS payment might look efficient while total Medicare spending rises. This is not savings. It is displacement.

Third, it activates need. It may increase appropriate medication use, increase PT, increase behavioral health treatment, increase diagnostic monitoring, increase lab testing, increase specialist referral, and increase patient support. This may raise spending, but it may also represent better care for patients who had been neglected.

These three phenomena can look similar in claims data. Spending changes. Utilization changes. The interpretation is the hard part.

If spending rises because a model induces low-value utilization, that is a problem. If spending rises because the model corrects underuse of high-value care, that may be success. If spending falls because patients avoid unnecessary care, that is success. If spending falls because the organization failed to escalate necessary care, that is not success.

This is the hardest evaluation problem. A narrow net-spending test may penalize care activation. A narrow outcome-measure test may ignore cost shifting. CMS must evaluate whether spending growth represents waste, substitution failure, or newly delivered appropriate care.

For example, increased use of guideline-directed cardiometabolic drugs may raise Part D spending. Increased PT may raise Part B spending. Increased behavioral health care may raise outpatient spending. Better adherence may raise pharmacy costs. These increases could be exactly what good care requires.

The policy question should not be, “Did ACCESS raise or lower spending?” The better question is, “Did ACCESS reduce waste while increasing appropriate care where care had been missing?”

That is harder to answer. It is also the question that matters.

Medicare Advantage as a Mirror Image

Medicare Advantage provides a useful comparison because it shows a different way payment can separate information from obligation.

MA plans are famously incentivized to find and document diagnoses. More diagnoses can increase risk-adjusted payment. The result is a large industry built around coding intensity: chart reviews, home visits, health risk assessments, suspect-condition analytics, and documentation capture. The plan is rewarded when the patient is shown to be sicker.

But the payment system does not automatically require a proportionate treatment response. A plan may document diabetes with complications, vascular disease, depression, COPD, CKD, frailty, or pressure ulcers. The diagnosis increases revenue. Yet the system does not symmetrically say: having found this problem, you must demonstrate that the patient received optimal drugs, PT, nutrition support, behavioral health, wound care, home care, or specialist follow-up.

Quality measures and star ratings provide some counterweight, but the diagnosis-capture incentive is more direct and comprehensive than the treatment obligation.

MA’s failure mode is diagnosis capture without proportional care.

ACCESS has a different failure mode. It is not rewarded for finding diagnoses in the same risk-adjustment sense. It is rewarded for studying patients, engaging them, managing them, and improving measurable outcomes. But it may not be rewarded for triggering expensive care, even when expensive care is the best care.

ACCESS’s failure mode may be care-management capture without full care activation.

The contrast is useful. Medicare Advantage monetizes illness recognition. ACCESS monetizes measurable improvement. MA may over-code without enough treatment. ACCESS may over-monitor or under-escalate when treatment is expensive.

In both cases, the intermediary is rewarded for knowing more about the patient. But the patient’s interest is not merely being known, coded, monitored, or measured. The patient’s interest is receiving the right care.

The ethical question is the same: once the system knows, what is it obligated to do?

Selection: The Ideal ACCESS Patient

Every payment model creates an ideal patient. For ACCESS, the ideal patient is likely to be uncontrolled enough to qualify, reachable enough to engage, stable enough to manage through technology-supported workflows, likely enough to improve on measured outcomes, and not so complex that improvement requires expensive outside care.

That is a narrow sweet spot.

A patient already controlled may not qualify for full initial payment. A patient far from target may be hard to improve. A patient with severe social barriers may not engage. A patient with cognitive impairment may be difficult to manage digitally. A patient needing repeated specialist care may generate outside spending. A patient needing expensive drugs may improve clinically but worsen the model’s financial story.

CMS has built guardrails: baseline-relative targets, uncontrolled-measure requirements, limits on participant-initiated disenrollment, public reporting of risk-adjusted outcomes, rural adjustments, and monitoring. These are important. But no guardrail eliminates selection pressure. Organizations will learn which patients perform well under the model.

That does not invalidate ACCESS. Many “improvable” patients need help. But it should shape expectations. ACCESS may be strongest as a scalable chronic care improvement model for a large middle population. It may be less effective for the most complex, least connected, most socially vulnerable, or most clinically unstable patients.

The danger is not that ACCESS serves the middle well. That would be valuable. The danger is that policymakers mistake that success for solving chronic disease management broadly.

Outcome Measurement: Better Than Activity, Still Imperfect

ACCESS’s greatest strength is that it pays for outcomes rather than activities. Its greatest vulnerability is that measured outcomes can themselves become objects of optimization.

Blood pressure, HbA1c, lipids, weight, pain PROMs, PHQ-9, and GAD-7 are clinically meaningful. They are much better payment targets than app clicks, device transmissions, or staff minutes. But they are still measures. Measures can be selected around, documented around, repeated strategically, and optimized narrowly.

An organization may focus on moving patients across thresholds rather than improving broader health. It may favor patients likely to improve on measured variables. It may focus on short-term score movement rather than durable outcomes. It may improve the measure while leaving unmeasured clinical problems untouched.

Behavioral health illustrates the challenge. PHQ-9 and GAD-7 are validated and widely used, but depression and anxiety scores are affected by life events, loneliness, pain, sleep, substance use, cognition, housing instability, social isolation, and comorbid illness. Risk adjustment can help, but behavioral health outcomes remain noisy.

MSK raises similar issues. Pain intensity, interference, and function are meaningful, but chronic pain is heterogeneous. Some patients need digital coaching; others need PT, behavioral therapy, medication changes, imaging, injections, surgery, or social support. A model that improves PROMs may be valuable, but it may also select patients whose pain is most responsive to low-cost intervention.

Cardiometabolic tracks have more objective biomarkers, but they raise other concerns. Aggressive medication intensification can improve measures but create side effects, hypotension, hypoglycemia, falls, or polypharmacy. Conversely, reluctance to use expensive medications may preserve spending but fail the patient.

Outcome payment is better than activity payment. It is not magic.

What CMS Should Watch

CMS should watch several issues closely.

First, selection. Are ACCESS organizations enrolling patients who are most likely to benefit, or patients most likely to be profitable under the model?

Second, under-escalation. When organizations identify unmet need, do they trigger appropriate care even when it increases spending?

Third, outside spending. Are organizations shifting costs to unaffiliated providers, or are outside services clinically appropriate complements?

Fourth, primary care integration. Are PCPs and referring clinicians meaningfully engaged, or are they receiving electronic clutter in exchange for small payments?

Fifth, durability. Do measured improvements persist after the initial care period, or are they short-term threshold effects?

Sixth, equity. Are rural, low-income, cognitively impaired, socially complex, digitally limited, and multimorbid patients served, or are they quietly bypassed?

Seventh, net financial performance. Do ACCESS payments, co-management payments, substitute-spend adjustments, outside utilization, and downstream savings add up to real value? The OCM experience shows that gross reductions in claims spending may not be enough if model payments and incentive payments exceed savings.

The under-escalation issue is especially important because it may be less visible than overuse. Claims data can show increased imaging, PT, drugs, or specialist visits. It is harder to see the care that should have happened but did not. A model can look financially disciplined because necessary care was never activated.

That is why CMS cannot rely only on claims and summary outcome measures. It will need audits, clinical review, patient-level safety monitoring, referral pattern analysis, medication-use analysis, disenrollment monitoring, and focused studies of underuse.

Political Durability

ACCESS has a politically interesting profile. It is voluntary, outcome-based, technology-forward, prevention-oriented, and focused on chronic disease. It emphasizes patient choice, rural access, private-sector innovation, measurable results, and lower costs. It also expands access to behavioral health and chronic care support.

That gives it some cross-administration durability. It can be described in Republican-friendly language: innovation, competition, technology, private-sector solutions, outcome accountability, and fiscal discipline. It can also be described in Democratic-friendly language: access, prevention, behavioral health, chronic care, equity, and Medicare modernization.

But durability is not guaranteed. ACCESS is a ten-year model beginning in 2026. It will cross administrations. Its survival will depend on early execution, stakeholder support, operational feasibility, and avoidance of visible abuse or runaway spending. The randomized control design will help, but definitive results may take years.

The model’s early applicant pool suggests strong market interest. But market interest can be double-edged. If ACCESS becomes associated with opportunistic vendors, weak oversight, patient selection, or spending growth without visible benefit, it will become vulnerable. If it produces credible outcome improvement, meaningful patient engagement, and tolerable spending results, it could become a major precedent.

Likely Winners

The organizations best positioned for ACCESS are not pure software companies and not ordinary provider groups with little digital infrastructure. The likely winners are hybrid organizations that combine clinical operations, software, patient engagement, measurement infrastructure, and disease-specific workflows.

Cardiometabolic platforms may be especially well positioned because the conditions are common, measurable, and amenable to medication management, nutrition support, monitoring, and coaching. Behavioral health platforms may benefit from access gaps and validated measures, though they face risk-adjustment and engagement challenges. MSK companies may benefit if they can demonstrate substitution for more expensive care while maintaining functional improvement.

Remote-monitoring companies, nutrition and obesity-management firms, nephrology-adjacent groups, virtual primary care organizations, ACO-adjacent service companies, and provider-affiliated digital care teams may also find ACCESS attractive.

AI diagnostic and device companies may benefit indirectly. But the device, algorithm, or software tool is not the payment unit. It must become part of an accountable care model that improves outcomes. That is a strategic shift. A company’s reimbursement question becomes not, “What code pays for our technology?” but, “What outcome can our technology help produce, and who is the Medicare-enrolled organization accountable for producing it?”

Bottom Line

ACCESS is CMS’s attempt to build a new Medicare payment rail for technology-enabled chronic care. Its strongest idea is clear: pay for measurable improvement or control, not for visits, clicks, devices, minutes, or billing activity. Its most important guardrails include the fee-for-service exclusion, physician oversight, Medicare enrollment, FDA and HIPAA compliance, care coordination requirements, public outcome reporting, substitute-spend adjustments, and randomized evaluation.

The model is serious. It addresses a real defect in Medicare’s payment architecture. It may create a new category of Medicare-participating chronic care organizations. It may become a reference model for private payers. It may help CMS and FDA learn how to handle AI-enabled and software-supported care. It may shift digital health strategy away from code capture and toward outcome production.

But ACCESS also exposes the contradiction in CMMI’s savings logic. Many chronic disease patients are under-managed. Under-management may look inexpensive until someone starts managing the patient correctly. Better care may require more medication, more PT, more behavioral health, more monitoring, more labs, more specialist input, and more adherence support. Some of that spending may eventually prevent complications. Some may improve life without saving money. Some may simply be the appropriate cost of treating Medicare beneficiaries well.

That is the central ACCESS paradox: the model is designed to find and manage chronic disease, but properly managing chronic disease may increase spending.

Medicare Advantage offers the mirror image. MA plans are rewarded for finding and documenting illness diagnoses, but not always equivalently rewarded for doing everything needed to treat them. ACCESS organizations are rewarded for studying patients and improving measurable outcomes, but may be financially uncomfortable when the best care requires expensive activation. MA risks coding without care. ACCESS risks management without escalation.

The patient needs neither merely to be coded nor merely to be monitored. The patient needs the right care.

That should be the standard for judging ACCESS. Not whether it is elegant. Not whether it creates a new digital health market. Not even whether it saves money in a narrow window. The real question is whether ACCESS can improve chronic care while resisting the predictable pressure to select easy patients, optimize measures, shift costs, avoid costly escalation, and confuse low spending with good care.

ACCESS should be judged by whether its modest payments to technology-supported care organizations produce real clinical value after accounting for model payments, co-management payments, substitute spending, outside utilization, and the ethically necessary activation of care that under-managed patients should have been receiving all along.

If ACCESS succeeds, it could become one of Medicare’s most important payment innovations of the decade. If it fails, the failure will still teach an important lesson: outcome-based payment is not enough unless the model can distinguish waste from unmet need, savings from underuse, cost shifting from efficiency, and measurable improvement from ethically adequate care.

AI DIALOGS ON CMMI ACCESS: 3rd Version "Rewrite book chapter"

[Requested "re write for clarity of ver 2.]

CMS’s ACCESS model is a serious attempt to modernize Medicare payment for technology-enabled chronic care. Instead of paying for visits, devices, app clicks, or care-management minutes, ACCESS pays organizations for measurable improvement in chronic disease outcomes. That is elegant, and potentially important. 

But the model also exposes a deeper CMMI paradox: under-managed Medicare patients may need more care, not less. Better management may mean more drugs, PT, behavioral health, monitoring, labs, and specialist follow-up. If ACCESS is judged too narrowly on savings, it may reward low-cost metric improvement while discouraging the costly care activation patients actually need.

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ACCESS, Chronic Care, and the CMMI Savings Paradox

When Better Care for Under-Managed Patients May Cost More

CMS’s ACCESS model is one of the most intellectually coherent CMMI models in recent years. It is also one of the most revealing. On the surface, ACCESS is a voluntary Medicare demonstration for technology-supported chronic care. It creates new payments for organizations that manage common chronic conditions such as hypertension, dyslipidemia, obesity, prediabetes, diabetes, chronic kidney disease, atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease, chronic musculoskeletal pain, depression, and anxiety.

That description is accurate, but too small. ACCESS is better understood as an attempt to create a new Medicare payment architecture for modern chronic care. It asks whether Medicare can pay for longitudinal, digital, remote, asynchronous, hybrid, and AI-enabled care without simply creating another fee-for-service volume engine.

That is the real policy problem. Chronic disease management increasingly involves software, devices, messaging, remote monitoring, patient coaching, medication management, behavioral support, and algorithmically assisted triage. These activities do not map neatly to a traditional office visit. But if CMS responds by creating a separate code for every digital touch, remote monitoring transmission, coaching minute, app interaction, or algorithm-assisted review, it recreates the old problem in new clothing. The system will optimize for billable activity.

ACCESS tries to move the unit of payment away from activity and toward outcomes.

That is the model’s conceptual leap. CMS is not primarily paying for a visit, a device, a software license, a care-management minute, or a remote data stream. It is paying for measurable improvement or control in a defined chronic disease domain. The model’s central instrument is the Outcome-Aligned Payment: a recurring payment to a Medicare-enrolled care organization, with full payment tied to clinical results.

This is why ACCESS matters even if it remains modest in size. If it succeeds, it could become a template for how Medicare pays for digital chronic care, AI-enabled diagnostics, connected devices, hybrid virtual care, and chronic disease management outside the physician office. It could also become a reference architecture for Medicare Advantage, Medicaid managed care, commercial payers, and ACO-adjacent contracting.

But ACCESS also exposes a deeper problem in CMMI’s statutory design. CMMI models are expected to reduce Medicare spending without reducing quality, or improve quality without increasing spending. That sounds reasonable in the abstract. Yet in under-managed chronic disease, better care often means more care. More medication adherence. More appropriate drugs. More physical therapy. More behavioral health care. More labs. More monitoring. More specialist input. More follow-up. More patient support.

A poorly managed patient can look cheap only because the system has been failing quietly. If ACCESS finds the failure and fixes it, spending may rise.

That is not a technical flaw at the edge of the model. It is the core paradox.

The Problem ACCESS Is Trying to Solve

Original Medicare has never had a clean payment pathway for much of modern chronic care. Fee-for-service Medicare pays for defined services: visits, procedures, tests, drugs, devices, and time-based care-management activities. That works reasonably well when the clinical service is discrete and easily coded. It works poorly when the relevant care is continuous, distributed, digital, behavioral, remote, or team-based.

Chronic disease is not organized around fifteen-minute increments. A patient with hypertension, diabetes, CKD, chronic pain, or depression does not need only episodic appointments. The patient needs ongoing engagement, monitoring, medication adjustment, adherence support, coaching, escalation, de-escalation, and coordination across clinicians. Much of that work happens between visits. Much of it may be performed by nurses, pharmacists, behavioral health clinicians, coaches, care navigators, software, devices, and algorithms. The physician office visit remains important, but it is no longer the natural unit of care.

CMS has tried to patch this mismatch with codes for chronic care management, remote physiologic monitoring, remote therapeutic monitoring, telehealth, and related services. These codes are useful, but they also reveal the problem. Once CMS defines and prices an activity, the system learns to produce the activity. Time thresholds, documentation rules, device transmissions, monthly billing periods, and staff minutes become the commercial object. A model designed to support better care can become a model for generating more billable units.

The Shiff/Sutton JAMA Perspective makes this point unusually clearly. Technology in health care is often directed toward documentation, billing optimization, and shifting clinician time into reimbursable categories. That is not because technology is inherently low value. It is because the payment system rewards monetizable activity. In a fee-for-service environment, technology that helps generate billable services may be adopted faster than technology that quietly prevents worsening blood pressure, improves depression, reduces pain interference, or slows progression from prediabetes to diabetes.

ACCESS tries to change the target of innovation. Under ACCESS, the organization is not paid because it produced more app clicks, more remote readings, more messages, more minutes, or more visits. It is paid because patients improved or reached control on defined measures.

That is the cleanest version of the ACCESS idea: pay for outcome production, not activity production.

The Basic Design

ACCESS is a ten-year CMMI model in Original Medicare beginning in July 2026. It starts with four broad clinical tracks.

The early cardio-kidney-metabolic track includes hypertension, dyslipidemia, obesity or overweight with central obesity, and prediabetes. The cardio-kidney-metabolic track includes diabetes, stage 3a or 3b chronic kidney disease, and atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease. The musculoskeletal track focuses on chronic musculoskeletal pain. The behavioral health track focuses on depression and anxiety.

The breadth of these tracks is important. CMS is not paying for a single app, a single device, or a single digital therapeutic. It is paying organizations to manage clusters of related conditions that share intervention types and outcome measures. A narrow technology-specific payment would reproduce the “one technology, one code” problem. A track-based payment pushes organizations to build care systems.

Participating organizations must enroll in Medicare Part B as providers or suppliers, except for excluded supplier types such as DMEPOS and laboratory suppliers. They must designate a physician clinical director or medical director. They must comply with state licensure, HIPAA, and applicable FDA requirements, or operate within FDA enforcement discretion. Care may be delivered in person, virtually, asynchronously, or through technology-enabled means. ACCESS contemplates clinician consultations, lifestyle support, behavioral support, therapy and counseling, patient education, care coordination, medication management, diagnostic ordering and interpretation, and use or monitoring of FDA-authorized or enforcement-discretion devices and software.

Patients enroll voluntarily, either directly or through referral. Medicare Advantage patients are not included, although MA plans may create similar arrangements. Some beneficiaries attempting to enroll may be randomized into a control group, which is essential for model evaluation. That randomized design matters because ACCESS is not only a payment pathway; it is an experiment. CMS must eventually show whether the model improves quality and what it does to Medicare spending.

ACCESS is also designed to complement traditional care rather than replace it. Patients retain their ordinary Medicare rights and may continue to see any Medicare provider. ACCESS organizations must share care plans and updates with primary care and referring clinicians. Those clinicians may bill a separate co-management payment for documented review and coordination work.

This creates a new kind of Medicare participant: not simply a vendor, not quite an ACO, not a health plan, and not merely a physician practice. The ACCESS organization is a Medicare-enrolled, clinically accountable, technology-supported chronic care entity paid through condition-track outcomes.

Outcome-Aligned Payments: The Core Innovation

The central payment mechanism is the Outcome-Aligned Payment. Participating organizations receive recurring payments for managing a qualifying condition track. Full payment depends on achieving measurable clinical improvement or control relative to the patient’s baseline.

This baseline-relative design is one of the model’s most important features. A model that pays only for absolute control risks rewarding organizations for enrolling easy patients. A model that ignores baseline risks punishing organizations that accept more difficult patients. ACCESS tries to thread the needle. Patients must have at least one uncontrolled measure to qualify for full initial payment, and organizations are paid for meaningful improvement or guideline-informed control.

The model also uses a population or portfolio logic. CMS determines payment based on the share of an organization’s patients who meet outcome targets. An organization can perform well overall even if some individual patients do not improve. That is clinically realistic. Chronic care is noisy. Patients may not respond, may disengage, may have side effects, may face food insecurity or transportation barriers, or may deteriorate for reasons outside the organization’s control. A model demanding success for every patient would be unworkable. A model paying for aggregate performance is more plausible.

This is not full capitation. It is not total-cost-of-care risk. It is condition-track, outcome-contingent payment. CMS is trying to capture some advantages of value-based care without requiring every digital health or chronic care company to become an insurer or ACO.

That makes ACCESS a possible middle layer between fee-for-service and full population risk. Many organizations are not prepared to accept total-cost-of-care risk, but may be prepared to accept outcome risk for a defined domain such as cardiometabolic disease, MSK pain, or behavioral health.

Why ACCESS Is Different from Prior Digital Health Payment

ACCESS differs from prior Medicare approaches in several ways.

First, it is not built around CPT code proliferation. CMS is not creating a code for every digital care activity. That matters because activity codes often generate activity inflation.

Second, it is not a device add-on payment. The model does not pay because a device is novel, expensive, connected, or FDA-cleared. Devices and software are tools inside the care model, not the unit of payment.

Third, it is not simply telehealth expansion. ACCESS is broader than live virtual visits. It can include asynchronous care, remote monitoring, coaching, therapy, education, diagnostic interpretation, medication management, and technology-supported longitudinal care.

Fourth, it is not dependent on bespoke ACO-vendor contracting. Risk-bearing entities often struggle to contract with technology-enabled chronic care organizations because savings are condition-specific, attribution is difficult, and transaction costs are high. ACCESS creates a standardized claims-based Medicare pathway that can be used alongside ACO arrangements without requiring every ACO to negotiate every parameter of every vendor relationship.

That last point is especially important. ACCESS could become a payment rail. An ACO may refer patients to an ACCESS organization without negotiating a custom cardiometabolic or MSK savings contract. CMS can incorporate ACCESS expenditures into ACO reconciliation, while the ACCESS participant bills Medicare directly under the model. If this works, it creates a standardized interface between chronic care vendors and the Medicare payment system.

The Fee-for-Service Exclusion: The Guardrail That Makes the Model Real

ACCESS is explicitly an alternative to fee-for-service billing by the ACCESS participant for a given beneficiary during the care period. It is not an add-on. The participant and its affiliates generally may not bill ordinary Medicare FFS claims for other services furnished to that beneficiary during the ACCESS care period. They may bill only ACCESS-specific codes.

This is one of the most important provisions in the model. Without it, ACCESS could become simply another layer of payment on top of traditional billing. An organization could collect outcome-aligned payments while also billing remote monitoring, telehealth, chronic care management, evaluation and management, or other claims for the same beneficiary. CMS appears to understand that such stacking would undermine the model immediately.

The exclusion is beneficiary-specific and participant-specific. An organization may treat one patient under ACCESS and another under ordinary FFS. But it cannot treat the same patient under ACCESS while also billing ordinary Medicare FFS for other services to that same patient during the care period.

Beneficiary choice is preserved. Patients may still see other Medicare providers, and those other providers may bill Medicare normally. That is necessary, but it creates a hard boundary problem. When is outside care complementary, and when is it duplicative? If an ACCESS MSK organization is managing chronic pain, is outside PT duplicative or necessary? If a cardiometabolic ACCESS organization is managing diabetes and CKD, is a nephrology visit duplicative or appropriate? If an ACCESS behavioral health organization is managing depression, is outside psychotherapy duplicative or essential?

CMS tries to address this through substitute-spend adjustments for certain overlapping services. But this will be hard to operationalize. Chronic disease patients often need multiple forms of care. The same outside service may be wasteful in one patient and ethically necessary in another.

This becomes central to the model’s moral and economic challenge.

The Co-Management Payment: Small Dollars, Large Signal

ACCESS includes a modest co-management payment for primary care and referring clinicians who review ACCESS updates and document coordination activities. The dollars are small, but the policy signal is meaningful. CMS recognizes that the traditional clinician’s attention is part of the infrastructure needed for technology-supported chronic care.

Digital health companies often fail because they sit outside the patient’s real care team. They may generate recommendations, dashboards, messages, remote monitoring data, care plans, or risk alerts, but the primary care physician may not know what is happening, may not trust the vendor, may not have time to review the material, or may not be paid to act on it. ACCESS tries to build a bridge. The ACCESS organization must share updates, and the traditional clinician may bill for reviewing and coordinating.

This will not transform primary care economics. But it is a practical design feature. It acknowledges that chronic care cannot be split cleanly between a digital vendor and a physician office. If ACCESS works, it will be because external technology-supported organizations become integrated extensions of traditional care, not parallel systems competing for the patient’s attention.

ACCESS and FDA: A Payment Model as Regulatory Sandbox

ACCESS also has an unusually important FDA dimension. Participants must comply with applicable FDA requirements or operate within enforcement discretion. CMS has also connected ACCESS to FDA’s TEMPO pilot, which may allow certain technology-enabled products to operate under enforcement discretion while real-world performance data are collected in the model context.

This is potentially a major bridge between payment policy and product regulation. Payment, clinical use, real-world evidence, and FDA oversight are usually separate. ACCESS may bring them together. A digital tool, connected device, or AI diagnostic may not need its own Medicare payment code if it becomes part of an outcome-producing care system.

This is especially important for early detection and AI diagnostics. Detection alone often has a business model problem. Finding prediabetes, early CKD, uncontrolled hypertension, depression, or cardiometabolic risk is not enough unless there is a reimbursable pathway for acting on the finding. ACCESS creates that downstream pathway. The diagnostic or device is not the revenue center; the outcome-producing care model is.

That could reshape digital health strategy. The question becomes less, “What code pays for our product?” and more, “What measurable outcome can our product help a Medicare-enrolled care organization achieve?”

The Applicant List: Market Validation, Not Proof

The ACCESS accepted-applicant list provides early market validation. CMS attracted more than a symbolic pilot cohort. The list includes digital-first chronic care companies, behavioral health platforms, cardiometabolic firms, MSK organizations, nutrition and weight-management brands, remote-monitoring companies, virtual care groups, nephrology practices, community organizations, provider-affiliated entities, and multi-track platforms.

This does not prove the model will work. CMS cautions that inclusion is not endorsement and does not guarantee final participation. Medicare enrollment, participation agreements, and final approval remain necessary. But the list shows that ACCESS has created a commercially legible pathway.

The strongest signal is that many accepted organizations have not previously served Medicare beneficiaries. ACCESS is not simply giving existing Medicare providers another billing mechanism. It is inviting nontraditional chronic care organizations into Original Medicare, but under Medicare enrollment, physician oversight, privacy, licensure, reporting, and quality obligations.

The applicant mix also reveals where the market sees opportunity. Cardiometabolic care appears especially attractive. That makes sense. Hypertension, dyslipidemia, obesity, prediabetes, diabetes, CKD, and ASCVD are huge Medicare problems; they have measurable biomarkers; and they map naturally to remote monitoring, medication management, nutrition support, adherence tools, and coaching.

Behavioral health is also heavily represented. Depression and anxiety have validated measures, large access gaps, and a strong virtual-care precedent. But they may be harder to risk-adjust and harder to manage consistently. PHQ-9 and GAD-7 are useful, but mood and anxiety outcomes are affected by pain, loneliness, sleep, cognition, substance use, social stress, and comorbid disease.

MSK is present but may have a more complicated savings story. Chronic pain is common and costly, and a technology-supported MSK program may substitute for some imaging, orthopedic visits, procedures, or prolonged therapy. But MSK care also overlaps with ordinary PT, pain management, imaging, orthopedics, surgery, and behavioral health. The line between substitution and necessary complementary care may be contentious.

The applicant list suggests that ACCESS is not a narrow chronic disease code. Many organizations appear to see it as a general payment chassis for longitudinal virtual or hybrid care.

Lessons from the Oncology Care Model

The Oncology Care Model provides a useful cautionary comparison. OCM was CMS’s first major oncology-focused alternative payment model. It ran from 2016 to 2022 and paid participating oncology practices monthly enhanced oncology services payments while allowing performance-based payments for reducing spending and meeting quality benchmarks.

A 2026 JAMA evaluation found that OCM was associated with modest gross reductions in Medicare spending during six-month cancer treatment episodes. The estimated reduction was about $616 per episode, or 2.1 percent of baseline spending. Savings grew over time and were larger in later performance periods. But after monthly enhanced oncology services payments and performance-based payments were included, the model produced an estimated net loss to Medicare of $639 million over six years. Most utilization and quality measures did not significantly change.

OCM is not ACCESS. Oncology episodes differ from chronic disease tracks. But OCM teaches several important lessons.

First, gross savings are not net savings. A model can reduce claims spending and still lose money once model payments are counted. ACCESS will face the same arithmetic.

Second, savings may take time. OCM’s reductions grew in later years. Chronic disease prevention may take even longer. Improvements in blood pressure, weight, lipids, pain, function, depression, or anxiety may not generate near-term reductions in admissions or ED visits.

Third, quality measurement may not capture everything that matters. OCM may have changed care delivery without producing broad measurable quality gains. ACCESS uses more direct clinical measures, which is an advantage, but it still faces the question of whether measured improvement translates into durable health benefit and lower spending.

Fourth, voluntary models attract selected participants. OCM practices were not random oncology practices, and ACCESS participants will not be random chronic care organizations. Early results may reflect who chose to enter as much as what the model achieved.

The larger lesson is sobering: a model can be clinically serious, operationally complex, and still fail the net-savings test.

Liao’s Critique: The Right Kind of Skepticism

Joshua Liao’s Health Affairs critique is useful because it avoids both hype and reflexive cynicism. He recognizes the real problem ACCESS is trying to solve: Medicare’s fee-for-service architecture is poorly suited to continuous chronic care. But he also emphasizes that payment models inevitably generate optimization behavior.

That is the mature way to assess ACCESS. The question is not whether distortions will occur. They will. Fee-for-service rewards volume. Capitation rewards restraint. Risk adjustment rewards diagnosis capture. Documentation-based quality measurement rewards documentation. Outcome-based models reward selection, measure optimization, and denominator management.

The question is whether ACCESS can generate enough clinical improvement to justify its distortions.

That is the right standard. No payment system is neutral. The fragmented status quo is also a policy choice. ACCESS should not be rejected merely because it will create strategic behavior. But it must be evaluated with a clear view of predictable failure modes.

Liao also points to a crucial distinction between scalable chronic care and intensive multimorbidity management. ACCESS may work best for a middle population: patients with measurable, improvable chronic conditions who can engage with technology-supported care and whose needs can be managed through standardized workflows. It may be less suitable for the sickest, least connected, most socially complex, or most multimorbid beneficiaries.

That distinction matters because the highest-need patients may be the least attractive under the model. The most economically attractive ACCESS patient is not necessarily the neediest patient. It may be the patient who is uncontrolled enough to qualify, reachable enough to engage, likely enough to improve, and unlikely to require expensive downstream care.

This is where the ACCESS optimism meets the ACCESS paradox.

The Savings Paradox: Under-Managed Patients May Need More Spending

ACCESS is expected to improve outcomes and reduce spending. The model’s savings theory has two parts.

First, better clinical control may reduce downstream costs. Better blood pressure, weight, HbA1c, lipids, pain, function, depression, and anxiety may eventually reduce acute utilization, complications, and high-cost care. This is the prevention theory.

Second, ACCESS may substitute for more expensive traditional care. A technology-supported MSK program may reduce some specialty visits, imaging, or procedures. A behavioral health platform may create lower-cost access where in-person care is scarce. A cardiometabolic program may prevent deterioration that would otherwise appear later in high-cost settings.

Both theories are plausible. But both collide with a competing reality: under-managed patients often have unmet needs that cost money to address.

A patient with uncontrolled diabetes may need medication intensification, nutrition counseling, renal testing, eye exams, foot care, CGM, or closer follow-up. A patient with CKD may need appropriate labs, SGLT2 therapy if indicated, nephrology input, and careful medication review. A patient with chronic pain may need PT, behavioral support, imaging, injections, surgery, or medication changes. A patient with depression may need therapy, medication management, safety assessment, and repeated follow-up. A patient with cardiovascular disease may need high-intensity lipid therapy, blood pressure medication changes, adherence support, and lab monitoring.

Some of this care may reduce future spending. Some may improve quality of life without saving money. Some may increase spending indefinitely because the patient is finally receiving appropriate care.

This is not failure. It is medicine.

Consider a simple adherence example. ACCESS may discover that a patient is not taking a clinically important $5,000 medication. Perhaps the patient cannot afford it, misunderstood the prescription, experienced side effects, or never completed a refill. The best intervention may be to restart and maintain therapy. But if adherence improves, Medicare spending rises. Pharmacy costs rise. Monitoring may rise. Follow-up may rise. The patient may be better treated, but the model may look worse financially.

That example reveals the tension. ACCESS organizations are paid to improve outcomes at fixed payment, and the model is expected to reduce overall Medicare costs. Yet the ethically correct response to under-treatment may be to activate expensive care.

This is the central paradox: ACCESS is designed to find and manage chronic disease, but properly managing chronic disease may increase Medicare spending.

Waste Reduction Versus Need Activation

The word “savings” is too blunt for chronic care. Good chronic disease management does two different things.

It reduces waste. It may prevent avoidable admissions, reduce duplicative imaging, avoid low-value procedures, replace unnecessary visits with lower-cost support, deprescribe harmful drugs, and prevent acute deterioration.

But it also activates need. It may increase appropriate medication use, increase PT, increase behavioral health treatment, increase diagnostic monitoring, increase lab testing, increase specialist referral, and increase patient support.

Both can be signs of better care. One lowers spending. The other raises spending. A serious evaluation of ACCESS must distinguish the two.

If spending rises because a model induces low-value utilization, that is a problem. If spending rises because the model corrects underuse of high-value care, that may be success. The claims file alone may not tell the difference.

This is the hardest evaluation problem. A narrow net-spending test may penalize care activation. A narrow outcome-measure test may ignore cost. CMS must evaluate whether spending growth represents waste, substitution failure, or newly delivered appropriate care.

For example, increased use of guideline-directed cardiometabolic drugs may raise Part D spending. Increased PT may raise Part B spending. Increased behavioral health care may raise outpatient spending. Better adherence may raise pharmacy costs. These increases could be exactly what good care requires.

The policy question should not be, “Did ACCESS raise or lower spending?” The better question is, “Did ACCESS reduce waste while increasing appropriate care where care had been missing?”

That is harder to answer. It is also the question that matters.

Medicare Advantage as a Mirror Image

Medicare Advantage provides a useful comparison because it shows a different way payment can separate information from obligation.

MA plans are famously incentivized to find and document diagnoses. More diagnoses can increase risk-adjusted payment. The result is a large industry built around coding intensity: chart reviews, home visits, health risk assessments, suspect-condition analytics, and documentation capture. The plan is rewarded when the patient is shown to be sicker.

But the payment system does not automatically require a proportionate treatment response. A plan may document diabetes with complications, vascular disease, depression, COPD, CKD, frailty, or pressure ulcers. The diagnosis increases revenue. Yet the system does not symmetrically say: having found this problem, you must demonstrate that the patient received optimal drugs, PT, nutrition support, behavioral health, wound care, home care, or specialist follow-up.

Quality measures and star ratings provide some counterweight, but the diagnosis-capture incentive is more direct and comprehensive than the treatment obligation.

MA’s failure mode is diagnosis capture without proportional care.

ACCESS has a different failure mode. It is not rewarded for finding diagnoses in the same risk-adjustment sense. It is rewarded for studying patients, engaging them, managing them, and improving measurable outcomes. But it may not be rewarded for triggering expensive care, even when expensive care is the best care.

ACCESS’s failure mode may be care-management capture without full care activation.

The contrast is useful.

Medicare Advantage monetizes illness recognition. ACCESS monetizes measurable improvement. MA may over-code without enough treatment. ACCESS may over-monitor or under-escalate when treatment is expensive.

In both cases, the intermediary is rewarded for knowing more about the patient. But the patient’s interest is not merely being known, coded, monitored, or measured. The patient’s interest is receiving the right care.

The ethical question is the same: once the system knows, what is it obligated to do?

Selection: The Ideal ACCESS Patient

Every payment model creates an ideal patient. For ACCESS, the ideal patient is likely to be uncontrolled enough to qualify, reachable enough to engage, stable enough to manage through technology-supported workflows, likely enough to improve on measured outcomes, and not so complex that improvement requires expensive outside care.

That is a narrow sweet spot.

A patient already controlled may not qualify for full initial payment. A patient far from target may be hard to improve. A patient with severe social barriers may not engage. A patient with cognitive impairment may be difficult to manage digitally. A patient needing repeated specialist care may generate outside spending. A patient needing expensive drugs may improve clinically but worsen the model’s financial story.

CMS has built guardrails: baseline-relative targets, uncontrolled-measure requirements, limits on participant-initiated disenrollment, public reporting of risk-adjusted outcomes, rural adjustments, and monitoring. These are important. But no guardrail eliminates selection pressure. Organizations will learn which patients perform well under the model.

That does not invalidate ACCESS. Many “improvable” patients need help. But it should shape expectations. ACCESS may be strongest as a scalable chronic care improvement model for a large middle population. It may be less effective for the most complex, least connected, most socially vulnerable, or most clinically unstable patients.

The danger is not that ACCESS serves the middle well. That would be valuable. The danger is that policymakers mistake that success for solving chronic disease management broadly.

Outcome Measurement: Better Than Activity, Still Imperfect

ACCESS’s greatest strength is that it pays for outcomes rather than activities. Its greatest vulnerability is that measured outcomes can themselves become objects of optimization.

Blood pressure, HbA1c, lipids, weight, pain PROMs, PHQ-9, and GAD-7 are clinically meaningful. They are much better payment targets than app clicks, device transmissions, or staff minutes. But they are still measures. Measures can be selected around, documented around, repeated strategically, and optimized narrowly.

An organization may focus on moving patients across thresholds rather than improving broader health. It may favor patients likely to improve on measured variables. It may focus on short-term score movement rather than durable outcomes. It may improve the measure while leaving unmeasured clinical problems untouched.

Behavioral health illustrates the challenge. PHQ-9 and GAD-7 are validated and widely used, but depression and anxiety scores are affected by life events, loneliness, pain, sleep, substance use, cognition, housing instability, social isolation, and comorbid illness. Risk adjustment can help, but behavioral health outcomes remain noisy.

MSK raises similar issues. Pain intensity, interference, and function are meaningful, but chronic pain is heterogeneous. Some patients need digital coaching; others need PT, behavioral therapy, medication changes, imaging, injections, surgery, or social support. A model that improves PROMs may be valuable, but it may also select patients whose pain is most responsive to low-cost intervention.

Cardiometabolic tracks have more objective biomarkers, but they raise other concerns. Aggressive medication intensification can improve measures but create side effects, hypotension, hypoglycemia, falls, or polypharmacy. Conversely, reluctance to use expensive medications may preserve spending but fail the patient.

Outcome payment is better than activity payment. It is not magic.

What CMS Should Watch

CMS should watch several issues closely.

First, selection. Are ACCESS organizations enrolling patients who are most likely to benefit, or patients most likely to be profitable under the model?

Second, under-escalation. When organizations identify unmet need, do they trigger appropriate care even when it increases spending?

Third, outside spending. Are organizations shifting costs to unaffiliated providers, or are outside services clinically appropriate complements?

Fourth, primary care integration. Are PCPs and referring clinicians meaningfully engaged, or are they receiving electronic clutter in exchange for small payments?

Fifth, durability. Do measured improvements persist after the initial care period, or are they short-term threshold effects?

Sixth, equity. Are rural, low-income, cognitively impaired, socially complex, digitally limited, and multimorbid patients served, or are they quietly bypassed?

The under-escalation issue is especially important because it may be less visible than overuse. Claims data can show increased imaging, PT, drugs, or specialist visits. It is harder to see the care that should have happened but did not. A model can look financially disciplined because necessary care was never activated.

That is why CMS cannot rely only on claims and summary outcome measures. It will need audits, clinical review, patient-level safety monitoring, referral pattern analysis, medication-use analysis, disenrollment monitoring, and perhaps focused studies of underuse.

Political Durability

ACCESS has a politically interesting profile. It is voluntary, outcome-based, technology-forward, prevention-oriented, and focused on chronic disease. It emphasizes patient choice, rural access, private-sector innovation, measurable results, and lower costs. It also expands access to behavioral health and chronic care support.

That gives it some cross-administration durability. It can be described in Republican-friendly language: innovation, competition, technology, private-sector solutions, outcome accountability, and fiscal discipline. It can also be described in Democratic-friendly language: access, prevention, behavioral health, chronic care, equity, and Medicare modernization.

But durability is not guaranteed. ACCESS is a ten-year model beginning in 2026. It will cross administrations. Its survival will depend on early execution, stakeholder support, operational feasibility, and avoidance of visible abuse or runaway spending. The randomized control design will help, but definitive results may take years.

The model’s early applicant pool suggests strong market interest. But market interest can be double-edged. If ACCESS becomes associated with opportunistic vendors, weak oversight, patient selection, or spending growth without visible benefit, it will become vulnerable. If it produces credible outcome improvement, meaningful patient engagement, and tolerable spending results, it could become a major precedent.

Likely Winners

The organizations best positioned for ACCESS are not pure software companies and not ordinary provider groups with little digital infrastructure. The likely winners are hybrid organizations that combine clinical operations, software, patient engagement, measurement infrastructure, and disease-specific workflows.

Cardiometabolic platforms may be especially well positioned because the conditions are common, measurable, and amenable to medication management, nutrition support, monitoring, and coaching. Behavioral health platforms may benefit from access gaps and validated measures, though they face risk-adjustment and engagement challenges. MSK companies may benefit if they can demonstrate substitution for more expensive care while maintaining functional improvement.

Remote-monitoring companies, nutrition and obesity-management firms, nephrology-adjacent groups, virtual primary care organizations, ACO-adjacent service companies, and provider-affiliated digital care teams may also find ACCESS attractive.

AI diagnostic and device companies may benefit indirectly. But the device, algorithm, or software tool is not the payment unit. It must become part of an accountable care model that improves outcomes. That is a strategic shift. A company’s reimbursement question becomes not, “What code pays for our technology?” but, “What outcome can our technology help produce, and who is the Medicare-enrolled organization accountable for producing it?”

Bottom Line

ACCESS is CMS’s attempt to build a new Medicare payment rail for technology-enabled chronic care. Its strongest idea is clear: pay for measurable improvement or control, not for visits, clicks, devices, minutes, or billing activity. Its most important guardrails include the fee-for-service exclusion, physician oversight, Medicare enrollment, FDA and HIPAA compliance, care coordination requirements, public outcome reporting, substitute-spend adjustments, and randomized evaluation.

The model is serious. It addresses a real defect in Medicare’s payment architecture. It may create a new category of Medicare-participating chronic care organizations. It may become a reference model for private payers. It may help CMS and FDA learn how to handle AI-enabled and software-supported care. It may shift digital health strategy away from code capture and toward outcome production.

But ACCESS also exposes the contradiction in CMMI’s savings logic. Many chronic disease patients are under-managed. Under-management may look inexpensive until someone starts managing the patient correctly. Better care may require more medication, more PT, more behavioral health, more monitoring, more labs, more specialist input, and more adherence support. Some of that spending may eventually prevent complications. Some may improve life without saving money. Some may simply be the appropriate cost of treating Medicare beneficiaries well.

That is the central ACCESS paradox: the model is designed to find and manage chronic disease, but properly managing chronic disease may increase spending.

Medicare Advantage offers the mirror image. MA plans are rewarded for finding and documenting illness diagnoses, but not always equivalently rewarded for doing everything needed to treat them. ACCESS organizations are rewarded for studying patients and improving measurable outcomes, but may be financially uncomfortable when the best care requires expensive activation. MA risks coding without care. ACCESS risks management without escalation.

The patient needs neither merely to be coded nor merely to be monitored. The patient needs the right care.

That should be the standard for judging ACCESS. Not whether it is elegant. Not whether it creates a new digital health market. Not even whether it saves money in a narrow window. The real question is whether ACCESS can improve chronic care while resisting the predictable pressure to select easy patients, optimize measures, avoid costly escalation, and confuse low spending with good care.

If ACCESS succeeds, it could become one of Medicare’s most important payment innovations of the decade. If it fails, the failure will still teach an important lesson: outcome-based payment is not enough unless the model can distinguish waste from unmet need, savings from underuse, and measurable improvement from ethically adequate care.